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A National Conversation

Alex SalmondFirst Minister Alex Salmond

The launch of a public debate on Scotland's constitutional future

Lindsay Stewart Lecture Theatre, Craiglockhart Campus, Napier University

August 14, 2007



Ladies and Gentlemen,

Today marks a moment of some historical significance - and not just the 60th Anniversary of India and Pakistan gaining independence.

'S e là mòr seo - it's a big day in Gaelic.

Because while on one level, today is simply the launch of a white paper on Scotland's future in truth it is so much more than that.

Because today is also the start of the next, and most dynamic phase, of Scottish constitutional reform.

Today is the moment when as First Minister I ask every Scot to pause and reflect not on the kind of country we are - but on the kind of country we could be - we should be.

And today is the start of the most wide-ranging, inclusive, imaginative and direct effort from any Scottish Government to engage with every person in this country, and furth of Scotland, who has a view on the future of our nation.

Because the days of top down Government - Government delivered from on high to an unsuspecting and compliant population - are over.

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This debate - one focused on the question on the next stage of self-government - demands the attention of every Scot.

It does so not because Scotland is entirely united on the best option for further constitutional change, but rather because we are now united in the belief that no change is no longer an option.

Just as the settled will of the Scottish people was once for the creation of a Parliament, so now the settled will is for that Parliament to grow in influence and authority.

It would be a simple matter for me today to crow about how, even before this document was published, the tectonic plates of Scottish politics had shifted. There is now no substantive debate about whether there should be change - only what change there should be.

After all it is only last year that the former First Minister used the John P Mackintosh lecture - that's right the John P Mackintosh lecture - to say that all was for the best in the best of worlds and we should concentrate on doing less better.

This Government thinks we should focus on doing more - much more - and doing it well.

Indeed, it is only a few weeks ago that the present Secretary for Scotland reversed Donald Dewar's dictum to claim that devolution was an event not a process. Well, we are now all agreed that it is indeed a process.

However, what we are doing today is more important than teasing the Labour Party.

Let us acknowledge that there are a range of options which carry support - from greater devolution to fiscal autonomy to full independence.

The insistence on only one of those options in a national debate to the exclusion of others would diminish the process.

So by contrast, I am committed to a new chapter in Scottish politics - one in which the story is written by the people and not just the politicians.

Some matters transcend the normal interplay of politics, and the question of our constitutional future must surely be one.

It is clear that the people's voice must be heard. Regardless of the support for the various parties and the various constitutional options, one statistic from the last year stands out and compels a response.

When asked, in every single poll a vast majority up to 80% or so of people support a referendum.

Let me therefore make clear that it is unthinkable that substantive change will come without the express approval of the people in a national referendum.

Of course, as the white paper details, individual subjects may be further devolved if a consensus can be reached - perhaps broadcasting could become a current example. However independence or arguably a substantial shift in power will require a referendum.

That is my position as a democrat and as First Minister. I believe in the sovereignty of the Scottish people and their right to choose the status of the country in which they live.

What remains open, of course, is precisely what question, or questions, might be asked.

But that is why Scotland needs this debate. We need clarity about the options for change.

This process will crystallise the constitutional options for Scotland in a way never before achieved.

As is right, and as the people would expect, the Government has today set out its clear preference - a referendum for independence.

We have published a proposal which, if passed by Parliament, would give every Scottish voter the right to choose.

We have also explained in more detail than ever before - and in a more dispassionate way than ever before - the options, challenges and opportunities which the emergence of an independent Scotland would bring.

But in delivering that clarity and expressing our clear preference, we ask others to match our initiative.

Just as it is right that the people of Scotland be given clarity on what independence will mean, so too they will seek clarity from others as to what is meant by terms like 'federalism' or 'greater devolution'.

There have been many significant and intelligent contributions over the last years from those seeking to define what additional powers should flow from Westminster to Holyrood. But now is the time for those who are not yet persuaded of the argument for full independence to be clear about their alternatives.

In the document we seek to assist the process by spelling out some of the options. But it is for those who seek further devolution, as an alternative to independence, to contribute to the conversation and make their case.

A striking feature of our paper is its openness to persuasion. It is a white paper but with green edges.

That is not a weakness but a strength . After all, this is a Parliament elected by proportional representation - it is a Parliament which deliberately reflects the diversity of Scottish opinion. In this new era of Scottish politics, the Government requires to build consensus and to persuade on every issue - and the question of constitutional change is no different.

That, of course, might mean that there are calls for a multi-option referendum. Let me say at the start of this process that whilst that might not be my preference, I am relaxed about the possibility.

After all, a government should never be afraid to test its own preferred policy against the alternatives.

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But a multi-option referendum requires the alternatives to be as clear as independence or the no change options already are. The opportunity now presents itself for those who want another option in a referendum to define that option and present the case to the Government for inclusion on the ballot paper.

There is another aspect of this that I want to establish on this day one of our national conversation.

Much of the debate on Scotland's future has been characterised not by intelligent and substantial contribution but rather by sniping negativity, visions of apocalyptic despair and a profound negativity. That tone scarred the last election as it has scarred every election since devolution started. What was different this time is that it was rejected by the people.

This new debate must start as it means to continue.

It must be open, respectful, robust and dignified.

The challenge for political leaders is to make a case for their preferred position in positive terms.

I acknowledge those who believe in the status quo and indeed those who perhaps didn't want the Scottish Parliament to exist at all. That is a perfectly legitimate position, albeit now a minority one.

I also understand the range of people in Scotland who are passionately Scottish and want gradual evolution - trusting Scottish Government more and more in an incremental process.

I also pay tribute to those in every party - and those in none - who have been engaged in this debate for many years and who continue to seek progress and to stimulate thought.

And I respect the role of organisations like churches, business groups, voluntary organisations and others across civic Scotland who reflect a distinct voice on these matters and bring wisdom and expertise.

But in doing all of that I ask one but thing in return- let us have this debate in a context of civility, intelligence and maturity.

The people of Scotland want leadership focused on what is the best option for Scotland, what promotes the national and international position of our country, and what offers the best opportunity for them and their families in the generations to come.

Divergent views are the very essence of democracy. Robust debate is part of what makes us Scottish. The exchanges, the criticism and the debate will be passionate - how else could it ever be in Scotland - but let those contributions be based in fact, reason and logic rather than smears, allegations and mis-information. Scotland deserves no less.

My Government was elected on a manifesto commitment to deliver, within 100 days, a white paper on the future of Scotland and encompassing a proposal for an independence referendum. Today, it gives me considerable pleasure to fulfil that pledge. We do it as part of a National Conversation because we recognise that there is more talking to be done.

We live in a time of constitutional evolution. Throughout the United Kingdom we see regions and nations pausing to reflect on their identity and on the kind of Government most likely to deliver.

In Scotland, we lead that debate once again. Today, once more, we stand at the forefront of those seeking change and change for the better.

When elected First Minister, I pledged to act in the national interest and in doing so, today I offer a white paper designed to outline the Government's preference for independence whilst also committing to an open debate.

I do so deliberately to encourage anyone and everyone in this country, and indeed beyond, who has a view on our future to contribute.

I do so openly and honestly as someone who has believed all of my political life that the natural condition for this ancient nation is equality of status among the nations of the world.

But I do so determinedly as a First Minister who understands the need to engage, to listen, and to lead progress.

As we open this national conversation - on-line, in parliament, in the media, in Scottish society, and amongst our network of Scots around the world - I am reminded once again of the words of Alasdair Gray.

LET US ACT TODAY AS IF THESE ARE THE FIRST DAYS OF A BETTER NATION

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Page updated: Tuesday, August 14, 2007